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This study is part of a time-series collection of national surveys fielded continuously since 1948, designed to present data on Americans' social backgrounds, enduring political predispositions, social and political values, perceptions and evaluations of groups and candidates, opinions on questions of public policy, and participation in political life. The 1996 National Election Study contains both a pre- and a post-election component. The pre-election survey includes interviews in which approximately 77 percent of the cases are empaneled respondents who were first interviewed in the ANES 1992 TIME SERIES STUDY (ICPSR 6067) or the ANES 1994 TIME SERIES STUDY (ICPSR 6507), or both. The other 23 percent of the pre-election cases are a freshly drawn cross-section sample. Of the 1,714 citizens interviewed during the pre-election stage, 1,534 (89.5 percent) also participated in the post-election survey: 1,197 of these respondents were panel cases and 337 were cross-section. The content of the 1996 Election Study reflects its dual function, both as a traditional presidential election year time-series data collection and as a panel study. Substantive themes presented in the 1996 questionnaires included interest in political campaigns, evaluations of the political parties, knowledge and evaluation of the presidential and House candidates, political participation (including turnout in the presidential primaries and in the November general election as well as other forms of electoral campaign activity), and vote choices for president, the United States House of Representatives, and the United States Senate. Additional items focus on perceptions of personal and national economic well-being, positions on social welfare issues like the role of government in the provision of jobs and a good standard of living, positions on social issues (including abortion, women's roles, and prayer in the schools), racial and ethnic stereotypes, opinions on affirmative action, attitudes toward immigrants, opinions about the nation's most important problems, political predispositions, social altruism, social networks, feeling thermometers for a wide range of political figures and political groups, affinity with various social groups. The 1996 study also includes new measures related to the dynamics of the congressional campaign, questions regarding the importance of issues, and the respondents' level of certainty regarding their expressed opinions, as well as new items about crime, the environment, gun control and income inequality. An eight-minute module of questions included in the post-election survey was developed by a consortium of electoral scholars from 52 polities to facilitate comparative analysis of political attitudes and voting behavior. Social capital items assess trust in people and government as well as membership and activity in a wide variety of social, political, religious, and civic organizations. A full complement of variables on group membership and participation is also available in the Group Membership File which can be merged with the Main Data File. Detailed demographic information is provided, as well as measures of religious affiliation and religiosity.

The 1998 Dutch Prejudice Survey is a telephone survey of a random sample of Dutch citizens aged 16 and older. The survey was conducted by the University of Utrecht. The survey was focused on attitudes toward various outgroups in Dutch society, including Turks, Moroccans, Surinamese, and refugees in general. There were also questions about Muslims, Jews, and the Dutch themselves. The study sought to assess the relative degree of prejudice toward various groups. The relationship between prejudice and politics was also a focus of the study. The survey included many questions about political attitudes, values, and policies, and about voting behavior and party identification. The telephone interview was a computer-assisted survey that incorporated many randomized experiments.

The 1991 National Race and Politics Survey was a nationwide random-digit telephone survey carried out by the Survey Research Center of the University of California, Berkeley. A mailback survey of willing respondents to the telephone survey was also carried out. Data from the mailback survey are also included in the data file. The telephone and mailback surveys included many questions related to racial attitudes and political orientation. There were also many questions on values, personality measures, and goals. A multi-disciplinary research team planned the survey and developed the questionnaire. The telephone interview was a computer-assisted survey that incorporated many randomized experiments, including vignettes and unobtrusive measures.

The purpose of this data collection was to provide an appropriate theoretical and empirical approach to concepts, measures, and methods in the study of Black Americans. Developed with input from social scientists, students, and a national advisory panel of Black scholars, the survey investigates neighborhood-community integration, services, crime and community contact, the role of religion and the church, physical and mental health, self-esteem, life satisfaction, employment, the effects of chronic unemployment, the effects of race on the job, interaction with family and friends, racial attitudes, race identity, group stereotypes, and race ideology. Demographic variables include education, marital status, income, employment status, occupation, and political behavior and affiliation.

The 1986 Bay Area Race and Politics Survey was a random-digit telephone survey of residents of the San Francisco-Oakland metropolitan area. The questions focused primarily on issues of race, politics, and prejudice. There were also several items on the role of women. The survey included many experimental variations in question wording that were developed specifically for this study. This was the first survey to incorporate major substantive experiments into computer-assisted interviews. The Survey Research Center of the University of California, Berkeley, conducted the survey from August through October 1986, using the CASES system for computer-assisted telephone interviewing. Interviews were completed with 1,113 persons, and the response rate was 68.1 percent.

This research examines the psychological benefits of different sources of workplace social support in a global sample of professional women leaders (N = 1,221). We explored whether and in what way(s) social support from different workplace sources (role models, formal and informal mentors/sponsors, supportive supervisors, and peer support) predicts women's experience of stereotype threat - or concerns about confirming gender stereotypes - and subsequently their work satisfaction. We did this using cross-sectional data from a survey of international graduate business school alumnae who represented 72 countries, were mostly from Generation X (63.4% aged 35-54), reported directly to General Management or had more senior roles (64.1%) and described their work responsibilities as regional or global (66.4%). Workplace role models emerge as the only statistically reliable predictor of work satisfaction indirectly through reduced stereotype threat concerns. However, role models, informal (but not formal) mentors/sponsors, supportive supervisors, and peer support all directly predict women's work satisfaction. Implications of the benefits of workplace social support for efforts to reduce work-related gender inequities are discussed.

The 1994 Survey on Regional and Ethnic Prejudice in Italy was designed to assess the attitudes of Italians toward recent immigrants from Africa and Eastern Europe, and to measure the current state of relations between Northern and Southern Italians. It also included many items on politics and society. The study was conducted in a key period of Italian history after the collapse of political parties in the postwar system.